R.Fisk: This terrible conflict is the last..

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R.Fisk: This terrible conflict is the last..
Anonymous
12/05/01 at 01:45:14
Robert Fisk: This terrible conflict is the last colonial war
'Arafat used to make the same expressions of grief when his gunmen
murdered innocent Lebanese'
04 December 2001
Can Ariel Sharon control his own people? Can he control his army? Can
he stop them from killing children, leaving booby traps in orchards or
firing tank shells into refugee camps? Can Sharon stop his rabble of an
army from destroying hundreds of Palestinian refugee homes in Gaza? Can
Sharon "crack down" on Jewish settlers and prevent them from stealing
more land from Palestinians? Can he stop his secret-service killers from
murdering their Palestinian enemies – or carrying out " targeted
killings", as the BBC was still gutlessly calling these executions yesterday
in its effort to avoid Israeli criticism.

It is, of course, forbidden to ask these questions. So let's "legalise"
them. The Palestinian suicide bombings in Jerusalem and Haifa are
disgusting, evil, revolting, unforgivable. I saw the immediate aftermath of
the Pizzeria suicide bombing in Jerusalem last August: Israeli women
and children, ripped apart by explosives that had nails packed around
them – designed to ensure that those who survived were scarred for life.

I remember Yasser Arafat's grovelling message of condolence, and I
thought to myself – like any Israeli, I guess – that I didn't believe a
word of it. In fact, I don't believe a word of it. Arafat used to make the
same eloquent expressions of grief when his gunmen murdered innocent
Lebanese during that country's civil war. Bullshit, I used to think. And
I still do.

But there was a clue to the real problem only hours after the latest
bloodbath in Israel. Colin Powell, the US Secretary of State, was being
questioned with characteristic obsequiousness on CNN about his reaction
to the slaughter. Nothing, he said, could justify such "terrorism", and
he went on to refer to the plight of the Palestinians, who suffer "50
per cent unemployment". I sat up at that point. Unemployment? Is that
what Mr Powell thought this was about.

And my mind went back to his speech at Louisberg University on 20
November when he launched – or so we were supposed to believe – his
Middle-East initiative. "Palestinians must..." was the theme: Palestinians must
"end the violence"; Palestinians must "arrest, prosecute and punish the
perpetrators of terrorist acts"; Palestinians "need to understand that,
however legitimate their claims" – note the word "however" – "they
cannot be... addressed by violence"; Palestinians "must realise that
violence has had a terrible impact on Israel". Only when General Powell told
his audience that Israel's occupation of the West Bank and Gaza must
end, did it become clear that Israel was occupying Palestine rather than
the other way round.

The reality is that the Palestinian/Israeli conflict is the last
colonial war. The French thought that they were fighting the last battle of
this kind. They had long ago conquered Algeria. They set up their farms
and settlements in the most beautiful land in North Africa. And when
the Algerians demanded independence, they called them "terrorists" and
they shot down their demonstrators and they tortured their guerrilla
enemies and they murdered – in "targeted killings" – their antagonists.

In just the same way, we are responding to the latest massacre in
Israel according to the rules of the State Department, CNN, the BBC and
Downing Street. Arafat has got to come alive, to get real, to perform his
duty as the West's policeman in the Middle East. President Mubarak does
it in Egypt; King Abdullah does it in Jordan; King Fahd does it in
Saudi Arabia. They control their people for us. It is their duty. They must
fulfil their moral obligations, without any reference to history or to
the pain and the suffering of their people.

So let me tell a little story. A few hours before I wrote this article
– exactly four hours after the last suicide bomber had destroyed
himself and his innocent victims in Haifa – I visited a grotty, fly-blown
hospital in Quetta, the Pakistani border city where Afghan victims of
American bombing raids are brought for treatment. Surrounded by an army of
flies in bed No 12, Mahmat – most Afghans have no family names – told
me his story. There were no CNN cameras, no BBC reporters in this
hospital to film the patient. Nor will there be. Mahmat had been asleep in
his home in the village of Kazikarez six days ago when an bomb from an
American B-52 fell on his village. He was asleep in one room, his wife
with the children. His son Nourali died, as did Jaber – aged 10 – Janaan,
eight, Salamo, six, Twayir, four, and Palwasha – the only girl – two.

"The plane flies so high that we cannot hear them and the mud roof fell
on them," Mahmat said. His wife Rukia – whom he permitted me to see –
lay in the next room (bed No 13). She did not know that her children
were dead. She was 25 and looked 45. A cloth dignified her forehead. Her
children – like so many Afghan innocents in this frightful War for
civilisation – were victims whom Mr Bush and Mr Blair will never
acknowledge. And watching Mahmat plead for money – the American bomb had blasted
away his clothes and he was naked beneath the hospital blanket – I could
see something terrible: he and the angry cousin beside him and the
uncle and the wife's brother in the hospital attacking America for the
murders that they had inflicted on their family...

One day, I suspect, Mahmat's relatives may be angry enough to take
their revenge on the United States, in which case they will be terrorists,
men of violence. We may even ask if their leaders could control them.
They are not bin Ladens, Mahmat's family said that – "We are neither
Taliban nor Arab" – but, frankly, could we blame them if they decided to
strike at the United States for the bloody and terrible crime done to
their family. Can the United States stop bombing villages? Can Washington
persuade its special forces to protect prisoners? Can the Americans
control their own people?


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